Posted by: Alasdair | 14 May, 2008

Let England decide Scotland’s future?

Following Alexander’s turn around (spinning wildly out of control) on the issue of a referendum on independence it seems, that in some sectors anyway, that the debate as to whether or not there will be a referendum has become a debate on the mechanics of:

  1. how any referendum should be conducted and who should have a vote;
  2. how Scotland will separate from the rest of the UK once that referendum has been won by the ‘yes’ vote.

On the first issue I have read a number of comments calling for ’Scots abroad’ to have a vote, sometimes outside Scotland but within the UK, and sometimes outside of the UK too.  There have been more frivolous calls for ‘people with an interest’ to be given a say, people who may only know Scotland through parents and grandparents.  Never before though had I heard it mooted that England should have a say though.

Tim Luckhurst, former editor of The Scotsman, has written an article for the Times Online in which he argues that any referendum on Scottish independence must be a :

three-question referendum - independence, devolution or a unitary state - with all the British people eligible to vote.

Yet his reasoning is based on the fact that:

The 1707 Treaty of Union, passed both by the Westminster and Edinburgh parliaments, reflected the combined will of both political establishments to augment the union of the crowns with a merger of national legislatures. Ending the Union demands the same mutual consent.

This is, of course, a nonsense given the paradoxical situation that might arise where a Scotland that votes to dissolve the Treaty of Union, and become independent, is blocked by an England which wishes the Union to remain intact. 

The article has thrown up some interesting, and telling, discussion online where comments may be interpreted as it being ‘England’s decision’ whether or not Scotland leaves the Union.  Afterall, the Union isn’t just Scotland and England, there’s also Wales and N. Ireland to be considered and Scotland voting for independence does not mean that the remaining three will also need to go their separate ways.

Gareth Young writes in response to this debate on Our Kingdom:

Why should the English be made to sit on their hands whilst the Scots determine the fate of the Union, again?

It highlights a fundamental misunderstanding, or perhaps ignorance, of What the Union is.  If Scotland wishes to leave the UK, to become independent and leave England, Wales and N. Ireland to get on with it, than that’s Scotland’s decision, it’s not a decision for anyone living outside of Scotland to make.

Not wishing to pick on Gareth here, but he also goes on to say:

I don’t think it’s at all acceptable for Scotland alone to decide on this.

It patently is for Scotland alone to decide on this, I wouldn’t expect a vote if England wished to become independent, I don’t see why they should get a vote on Scotland becoming independent either.

I’m inclined to agree with another contributor (Ray Bell) to the debate who says:

This is a stupid and futile argument coming from last ditch defence of the Union.

By the way, why are these arguments usually so anglocentric? There are millions of people in the UK who are neither English nor Scots.

But enough of that discussion if you want to participate or read it in full the link’s here.


image from michael greenwell

The second debate arising, this time from the UCL’s Constitution Unit Press release (view PDF), is in reference to the agreement for terms of separation.  I can’t say I agree with their press release, although the fact that it has been made does suggest that the debate is moving forward and that the idea of indepedence for Scotland is becoming ‘normalised’.  The Press release reads as follows:

Two Referendums Required for Scottish Independence

A single referendum initiated by the SNP government and authorised by the Scottish Parliament could not achieve independence for Scotland. The terms of any independence deal negotiated with the UK government would require a second referendum authorised by Westminster, says the Constitution Unit. A first referendum could only be held on the principle of independence, and authorise the SNP government to enter into negotiation with the UK government about the details.

The Constitution Unit is responding to the apparent U-turn on a referendum by Wendy Alexander leader of Scottish Labour, after her call on Alex Salmond’s SNP minority government to “bring it on.”

“We have long argued that Scottish independence requires two referendums, for reasons of law and practical politics” said Constitution Unit director Prof Robert Hazell. “Under the Scotland Act only Westminster can authorise a referendum that would grant Scotland independence. I would be surprised if Gordon Brown has also done a U turn and wants Westminster to hold such a referendum any time soon”.

“But there are also reasons of principle why there should be two referendums. People in Scotland might support independence in principle, but think again when confronted with the terms of independence. The terms will include not just issues like North Sea oil, but division of the national debt, ending all financial transfers from the UK government, and Scotland’s continued membership of the EU. The Scots are entitled to know the detailed terms of independence before making such a big decision”.

The Constitution Unit addressed the referendum issue (among others) in Jo Murkens’ book Scottish Independence – A Practical Guide (Edinburgh University Press, 2002) and made two observations. First, the referendum question would need to be carefully worded to be about commencing negotiations rather than about independence itself, in order to stay within the confines of the powers of the Scottish Executive and Scottish Parliament defined in the Scotland Act 1998. The question would be on the principle (rather than the details) of independence. Secondly, the terms and conditions of Scottish independence (including that Scotland would separate from the United Kingdom) would be the subject-matter of a second referendum

Jo Murkens (now law lecturer at the LSE) added: “Wendy Alexander’s rallying call to ‘bring it on’ may be of political significance in Scotland. But in constitutional terms it is little more than an acknowledgment that the Scottish Executive (having obtained legislative authority from the Scottish Parliament) has the power to hold a consultative referendum on negotiations with Westminster. That acknowledgement in no way anticipates the eventual outcome of the negotiation process.

I don’t agree with the UCL release on a couple of levels.  In the first instance, only one referendum is required for independence to be achieved, and that referendum must be to give an appointed body the responsibility to negotiate the settlement between Scotland and the remainder of the UK.  Presumabley Westminster would also appoint a body to negotiate on it’s behalf, free of the like’s of Brown or any other MP in a Scottish seat - and rightly too.

A referendum on the settlement itself is likely to be difficult for the majority of the electorate (in either Scotland or the remaining UK) to digest, simply on the basis of it’s complexity.  And who’s going to vote to accept a proportion of the national debt in Scotland, and likewise in England who’s going to vote in support of large sections of the North Sea to come under Scottish jurisdiction.  Any referendum would end up being based on headlines and media bias without a look at the finer detail.

The idea that the people at large could make an informed decision in any referendum on the settlement details is unlikely, and in the end most voters would likely support the settlement arrived at following the negotiation process anyway, as this would be the position agreed with and endorsed by senior Government members anyway.  Many aspects of the settlement are likely to be reached in reference to international bodies who may be invited to mediate.

The discussion of a second referendum though has once again given rise to the notion that Scotland does not have the ‘right’ to self determination, seemingly on the basis that:

Scottish secession would have such a cataclysmic effect on the future of the rest of the UK

Brian Barder goes on to say (in this debate):

it’s hard to imagine any UK government or parliament agreeing to it without a prior consultation with all the people of the other three ‘nations’, presumably by referendum.

He is of course not alone in voicing this opinion, which is bizarre in the extreme.  Scotland should not be allowed to become independent because it might upset the other members of the UK?  Really?  Remember, unionists would have us believe that Scotland can’t survive economically outside of the UK, so why so keen to hold on?

And what would be the result if Scotland was held within a UK it no longer wished to be part of?  Turmoil, anger, and ultimately violence.

Anyway, I think I’ve written enough on this just now.  I’ve never been one of those people who agreed with the notion that England is Imperialistic, but reading comments like these you do begin to wonder.

 

Responses

There should be three referenda: in Scotland on independence, in Wales on the assembly becoming a parliament with primary law-making powers, and in England on having a devolved English parliament.

Hi Charlie,

By all means, three referenda where each nation decides the type of governance it wishes to have.

But the suggestion that Scottish independence should be decided by a referendum that includes the other nations is a nonsense.

There is no ambiguity whatsoever about “who should have a vote” in a referendum on independence for Scotland. The same principle will apply as for the vote on setting up a Scottish Parliament in the first place, it will be those who are on the electoral register in Scotland who have a vote. It’s just that some slow starters haven’t realised this yet.

As for “how Scotland will separate from the rest of the UK once that referendum has been won by the ‘yes’ vote”, negotiations will take place.

That is what has always happened in every single case where one country separated from another.

Even in the case of the USA, although there was a war of independence, you had three years of negotiations, after a truce was declared in that war, before an agreement was reached.

Regarding calls for ’Scots abroad’ to have a vote, these are irrelevant. Legally speaking, only folk on the electoral register in Scotland can have a vote.

Re Tim Luckhurst’s nonsense in the Times online, about a three-way referendum “with all the British people eligible to vote”, were “all the British people” given a vote when the USA separated? This mad suggestion contradicts international law on self-determination as specified in the United Nations Charter and numerous other UN agreements to which, as a founder member of the UN, the UK is a signatory.

Regarding “The terms of any independence deal negotiated with the UK government would require a second referendum authorised by Westminster”:
The last Scottish parliament elections were run from Westminster, and they were so badly organised a very large percentage of voters were disfranchised. Those elections were such a fiasco, independent (and largely English-based) bodies such as the Electoral Reform Society have been pressing for the Scottish Parliament to have control of all voting in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament might or might not decide that the terms of any independence deal to come out of the negotiations would have to be put to another referendum, but that “authorised by Westminster” bit is sheer fantasy land. The reality is that once the Scottish people have voted for the principle of independence, and authorised the Scottish government to embark on negotiations to this end, Westminster has already, effectively, lost control of Scotland.

Re some slow starters questioning whether Scotland has a ‘right’ to self determination, according to the United Nations, it does.

Indonesia argued that the secession of West Timor affected the rest of Indonesia. The United Nations rejected that argument and carried out a self-determination referendum.

As for Brian Barder’s daft comments, like I said on the “Our Scotland” forum, “What Brian Barder said is merely the wishfull thinking of somebody who is both a newcomer to the concept of self-determination and has very little knowledge in these matters”.

You quote me on the need for a consultation with all the people of the UK, not just Scotland, over the terms on which the UK parliament would agree to the secession of Scotland, and call my view ‘bizarre’ without, of course, going on to quote my reasons for it. Scottish secession would affect everyone in the UK (including incidentally the tens of thousands of Scots living in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, who would become foreigners in what would still psychologically remain their own country), both because of the financial implications for the diminished state sans Scotland, and inmany other obvious ways both national and international. Scotland is not a sovereign state, but a part of one: a decision on secession would be one for the whole of that state. There is no “right of self-determination” (a phrase which incidentally doesn’t appear anywhere in the UN Charter) for parts of states: ask the governments (and peoples) of Spain, France, Serbia and Russia, for starters.

I agree that politically it would be damaging to try to keep Scotland in the Union in its present constitutional position against the properly expressed wishes of (say) two-thirds of its people, perhaps including people born in Scotland but not now living there. There would have to be further constitutional change to address that new situation. The obvious and right course, which should start to be introduced now, without waiting for a Scottish majority in favour of secession, would obviously be a full federal system for the whole of the UK, with *all* internal matters devolved to parliaments and governments in all four of the existing nations (i.e. devolution of much more power to Scotland and the other three nations than at present), with the government and parliament at Westminster becoming the federal organs for the whole country dealing almost exclusively with foreign affairs and defence. We have gone, probably unintentionally, half-way towards that highly desirable and democratic settlement, and we need now to finish the job.

The arguments for this are much more fully spelled out on my blog –
http://www.barder.com/ephems/

Brian

A small postscript to my preceding comment, this time in reply to Mr Coull, who has paid me this compliment in his own comment above:

‘As for Brian Barder’s daft comments, like I said on the “Our Scotland” forum, “What Brian Barder said is merely the wishfull thinking of somebody who is both a newcomer to the concept of self-determination and has very little knowledge in these matters”.’

I can’t help being a little amused by this. I don’t know where Mr Coull has got his encyclopaedic knowledge of my areas of knowledge or of my career from, but he has presumably found out from somewhere that I spent seven years (starting in the mid-1950s) as a civil servant in Whitehall dealing exclusively with decolonisation issues that were indissolubly linked to the ‘principle’ (as the UN Charter calls it) of self-determination, actually writing quite extensive sections of the independence constitution of one of our largest former colonial territories; another four years at the United Nations in New York, again dealing solely with decolonisation issues including the question of which ‘peoples’ the principle of self-determination applies to and, where applicable, how it should be exercised and what should be the role of the former metropolitan country in its exercise; and several more years again closely involved with the attempted secession of Biafra from Nigeria under the banner of ’self-determination’, never recognised by the UN itself or by any but a tiny handful of its member states. I can only assume from his comment that Mr Coull has spent much longer than I have on self-determination matters, going back way beyond the 1950s, and knows much more than I do about the subject. Perhaps he would care to supply us with the evidence, if so.

Some of the discussion here seems to be unaware of, or else prefers to ignore, the crucial difference, in respect of the applicability of the principle (not ‘right’ ;) of self-determination, between on the one hand what the Charter calls ‘non-self-governing territories’ (broadly meaning colonies and protectorates), which do not include Scotland under the definition in the Charter and UN resolutions, and on the other hand parts of recognised sovereign states, however distinctive the populations of the parts of the states might be — Scotland being a good example. The Wikipedia article on secession at
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secession
lists a dozen example of secessionist movements around the world (one of which, in the US, has 11 sub-paragraphs dealing with different American secessionist movements). In modern times hardly any of these 22 cases have involved UN or other international recognition, the constituent parts of former Yugoslavia and East Timor being the principal exceptions — and neither of those has anything at all in common with Scotland.

Instead of sweeping and ill-informed assertions about “the United Nations recognising Scotland’s right to self-determination”, which it doesn’t, and the break-up of the United Kingdom being no concern of the people of England, Wales and Northern Ireland (and it’s hard to be more ‘daft’ than that, Mr Coull!), this discussion would be much more productive if it concentrated on what would be best for the welfare of all the people of the four nations of the United Kingdom, including but not confined to the people of Scotland.

In an era when countries are joining together to tackle collectively global problems that affect us all, and which are not susceptible to piecemeal solutions attempted by small (or even large) individual states, it’s sadly retrograde to be contemplating the disintegration of our own country, which has so much to contribute domestically and internationally if it can work out a better and more durable relationship between its constituent parts. Scottish (and incidentally English) discontents demand political, social and cultural remedial measures; to talk in terms of legal rights is not very constructive, especially if the legal talk is largely erroneous.

Brian
http://www.barder.com/ephems/

I don’t think I have ever heard such tosh as that contributed from Brian Barbour above. If ever there was a recipie for disaster, for fermenting the very confilcts which learned men like him should be trying to find ways of avoiding it is thinking like his. By his propositions no minority state would ever likely be able to break away form a larger state without insurrection.

He also completely ignores the fact that Scotland joined the Union “voluntarily” as a Nation State - by treaty. If the English parliament (and probably more importantly in recent times, its mouthpiece the BBC) had not forgotten this and treated the Scottish identity with a little more respect as opposed to that of a subject client state we would possibly not have seen the rise of the independence movement we are experiencing now.

No matter how learned this man may be, he seems to be exhibiting a total lack of common sense.

Brian Barder wrote “Scottish secession would affect everyone in the UK (including incidentally the tens of thousands of Scots living in England, Wales and Northern Ireland”.

The precedent is Ireland. Even though Ireland rejected the monarchy, and left the Commonwealth (neither of which has been proposed by the SNP), even though Irish Republicans were bombing English cities (which nobody in Scotland has proposed), Irish people still kept all of their rights within the UK - the right to come and go as they pleased, and the right to vote in British elections. You might think they should not have, but, statement of fact, they did. It would be totally ridiculous to suggest that Scottish people in England should be treated worse than the Irish. (English people in Scotland will, of course, have full rights.)

“Scotland is not a sovereign state, but a part of one: a decision on secession would be one for the whole of that state.” - On that basis, no country would ever become independent. England would still be part of the Roman Empire. The votes of a million or so colonists in the fledgling USA would have been cancelled out by “the rest of Britain”. Meanwhile, back in the real world……

“The obvious and right course, which should start to be introduced now, without waiting for a Scottish majority in favour of secession, would obviously be a full federal system for the whole of the UK” - it’s not going to happen. The UK is incapable of evolving into a federal state.

Mr Barder goes on to list his experience re UN self-determination matters. Perhaps we shall meet, on opposite sides, when the case against the UK currently in preparation is considered by the UN. Until then, there is no point in giving the opposition more information on a matter that can be considered sub judice.

Hi Dave, thanks for your comments.

I obviously agree with much of what you have to say, whether or not the UN reckons self determination is a ‘right’ or a ‘principle’ is actually fairly meaningless as I think most right-minded folks would go with the majority regardless … and there’s not a politician in the land that could argue otherwise.

Hi Brian, thanks for dropping by.

” … call my view ‘bizarre’ without, of course, going on to quote my reasons for it.” - I thought I had, you said that, “Scottish secession would have such a cataclysmic effect on the future of the rest of the UK”, which is, of course, a matter of opinion. No doubt there are those that see Scotland as a ’sponger’ who would disagree with you.

Having read your reply to my comment over on “Our Kingdom” I still find your position ‘bizarre’.

“… a decision on secession would be one for the whole of that state” - regardless of whether or not Scotland is Sovereign is an irrelevance to the question of who should vote. Of course, only Scotland should vote … or as Dave Coull asserts, those on the electoral register in Scotland should vote. It is a matter for Scotland which will effect all of the UK: yes; but it is a matter for Scotland to decide - no one else can decide whether or not Scotland should stay or go and I doubt that a vote held across all parts of the UK would stand up to even the lame and ill-prepared international scrutiny.

Thanks for the brief in-sight into your employment history, I have no doubt that this has lent you a great deal of experience and knowledge related to the dismantlement of the ‘empire’ … sadly the jobs not done yet.

While I find the debate in matters relating to the UN very interesting I’m afraid I find it difficult to follow. However, I’m sure that as far as most people will be a concerned, on either side of the border, ’self-determination’ is a ‘right’ and not a principle and that’ll be what decides it at the end of the day … especially once we’ve got a PM whose position isn’t entirely dependent on the maintenance of the Union.

Hi Rab,

Again I’m inclined to agree:

“If ever there was a recipe for disaster, for fermenting the very conflicts which learned men like him should be trying to find ways of avoiding it is thinking like his.”

I have no inclination towards more ‘direct action’, but if a ‘yes’ vote in Scotland was ignored I’m fairly confident that there are any number who would be … I was going to point to some Rangers ‘fans’ there, but that seems to be a bit contradictory and maybe in poor taste too.

Mr Coull and his fellow-Scots are of course at liberty to argue that the English, Northern Irish and Welsh should be denied any voice in a decision that could result in the disintegration of their country, just as the rest of us are at liberty to insist on our absolute right to a say in such a momentous issue. The arguments for confining the opportunity for consultation to the Scots are a confused mixture of the quasi-legal (mostly erroneous) and the political (mostly self-serving and entirely subjective). So we’ll just have to continue to disagree, although I suspect that realism will ultimately prevail.

I regret, though, that Mr Coull has not had the grace to withdraw his extraordinary assertions that ‘What Brian Barder said is merely the wishfull [sic] thinking of somebody who is both a newcomer to the concept of self-determination and has very little knowledge in these matters” ’, in the light of the evidence to the contrary which I have submitted. I also note that he has failed to respond to my invitation to tell us his source for this supposed information about me. Until he does respond to both these requests, we must draw our own conclusions about the weight to be attached to his assertions and opinions.

Still, at least Mr Coull takes the trouble to spell my name right. We must, I guess, be grateful for small mercies.

Brian
http://www.barder.com/ephems/

Hi Brian,

” … I suspect that realism will ultimately prevail.” - I suspect that you’re quite right in that respect. It is not unrealistic for example for the people of Scotland to be able to decide whether or not they remain part of the UK, after all Scotland accounts for a mere 10% of the population of the UK as a whole and whilst the achievement of independence may well act to trigger the disintegration of the UK in total this is not a foregone conclusion.

“I regret, though, that Mr Coull has not had the grace to withdraw his extraordinary assertions … in the light of the evidence to the contrary which I have submitted.” - Whilst I do not doubt your credentials I’m afraid the information you provided is not ‘evidence’ at all. I do however agree that it is perhaps wishful thinking that the whole of the UK should have a say in the matter under discussion.

“we must draw our own conclusions about the weight to be attached to his assertions and opinions.” - indeed. As we must for all those who assert themselves in online discussions, it is a mode of communication which may be easily abused by the unscrupulous. However, there is no point debating if such things are to be turned into slanging matches.

As to your final point, it can be irksome can it not! A particular poster on another forum does this to me incessantly :x

Alasdair

Alasdair,

You wrote:
“…there is no point debating if such things are to be turned into slanging matches.”

Absolutely. But you can’t expect a participant who is abused with false allegations against him (or her) simply to remain silent, especially when the abuser ignores all invitations to retract his allegations in the light of corrective information.

And from this particular slanging match I now permanently withdraw, you and other Scots will be deeply relieved to hear! Slang away: I’ll not be revisiting.

Whilst I hate to see participants withdraw because they feel they are being ‘abused’, I suspect Mr Barder may be being hypersensitive on this occasion.

Though not a direct interlocutor with Mr Barder I feel that as I’ve commented on this post perhaps he was including me in the following:

“And from this particular slanging match I now permanently withdraw, you and other Scots will be deeply relieved to hear!”

I doubt anyone is relieved or at all bothered. I’m English, as it happens, of Irish ancestry. Given that our ancestors would not have been voting in a referendum on the formation of the British state (the Union of Ireland was no more a democratic decision of the people than the Union of England and Scotland) I don’t know it’s felt that all should have a say on the matter of Scotland withdrawing from the Union.

(Of course, that our ancestors were without a voice does not mean that we should also be deprived - as I’ve said, I favour a referenda in all the nations of Ukania.)

I was going to observe on secession that Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence might have made a new precedent - but then, as Rab o’Ruglen points out, Scotland entered the union as a nation state and so independence would not create a new state, but rather revive an old one…

It’s an interesting thought actually. I wonder how many people outside of Scotland (but in the UK), who were given the opportunity, would vote on whether or not Scotland should become independent and how many might abstain on the basis that it’s not their call.

I suspect that there are many who would gladly vote to be shot of us on the basis that we’re a bunch of scrounging gets … see my latest post for details!

If I was given the chance to vote on Scottish independence I would of course vote yes. My reasoning is that the question is actually: do you want to dissolve the British state. The answer is, yes, I do…

Leave a response

Your response:

Categories